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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"29591"},["text",""]]]]]]]],["itemType",{"itemTypeId":"18"},["name",""],["description",""],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"52"},["name","Texto original"],["description"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"30471"},["text","September 11, 2009  05:03 PM Print Feedback\r\nFormer German Chancellor Helmut Kohl has never forgotten the hostility he faced at a European meeting on December 8, 1989. Ten days earlier he had unveiled a 10-point-plan for German reunification and been met with the blatant skepticism of Europe's leaders. In his memoirs, the former chancellor has described how British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher famously told the heads of state when they were gathered for dinner: \"We beat the Germans twice, and now they're back.\"\r\n\r\n\r\nIt's no secret that Thatcher was a bitter opponent of German reunification. But new documents released Thursday by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office show how she insisted that her government resist the historic development. She repeatedly reined back then-Foreign Minister Douglas Hurd and Christopher Mallaby, Britain's ambassador in Bonn, who wanted to signal his support for reunification on the day the wall came down.\r\n\r\nMallaby wrote to Hurd on that day -- November 9, 1989 -- saying it was \"in our interests\" to respond positively to developments in Germany. But when Hurd visited Berlin a few days later, he dutifully towed Thatcher's line, saying that reunification was \"not currently on the agenda.\"\r\n\r\nThe 500-page tome of letters and memos released this week date back to between April 1989 and November 1990. They reveal, for example, how then-French President Francois Mitterrand, speaking in a private conversation with his British counterpart, fuelled her mistrust of the Germans. Over lunch in the Elysee Palace on January 20, 1990, Mitterrand warned Thatcher that reunification would result in Germany gaining more European influence than Hitler ever had. His gloomy forecasts included a return of the \"bad\" Germans, according to previously secret notes made by Thatcher's foreign policy adviser, Charles Powell.\r\n\r\nTaming the Germans?\r\n\r\n\r\nBy mid-January 1990, Mitterrand had come to terms with the pending reunification, which he viewed as an unstoppable process. However, he still thought it would be prudent for Thatcher to publicly oppose the plan in a bid to wrest concessions from Germany in European agreements.\r\n\r\nBut Thatcher, for her part, believed up until February 1990 that she would be able to slow the pace of reunification. She felt it was all happening far too quickly and feared that Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev would be destabilized by reunification, a concern borne out by history. She backed a five-year transitional period with two German states and did not share Mitterrand's optimism that the Germans could be tamed by being incorporated into European institutions. \"The problems will not be overcome by strengthening the EC\" she wrote on February 2, 1990, in an internal memo, referring to the predecessor organization of the European Union. \"Germany's ambitions would then become the dominant and active factor.\"\r\n\r\nIn public, Thatcher became known for her shrill warnings about the German appetite for power. In an interview with SPIEGEL on March 26, 1990, she said that Kohl had told her that he did not recognize the Oder-Neisse border with Poland, a frontier which had been drawn up after World War II. Kohl was enraged by her remarks and said he had never made such a statement.\r\n\r\nTwo decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office wants to improve the reputation of the British during this key period in German history. The new documents reveal that Foreign Ministry diplomats were considerably more farsighted than Thatcher, who was led by her gut reaction against Germany.\r\n\r\nThe long-secret papers show that the British government played a far more constructive role in German reunification than had been previously thought. Only one person had serious doubts about the change: Margaret Thatcher.\r\n\r\nDeep-Seated Suspicion\r\n\r\nBut even the Iron Lady gradually gave up her resistance to reunification when the framework for the Two-Plus-Four Agreement was drawn up, paving the way for the two states to merge. After a meeting in Chequers, Thatcher's country residence, on January 27, Foreign Minister Hurd noted a slight softening in her position. \"Usual diatribe against German selfishness,\" Hurd noted in his diary, \"but the hankering to stop unification now comes less often, and we are into 'transition' and reducing the British Army of the Rhine.\"\r\n\r\nAccording to a note believed to be penned by Thatcher or Powell, Hurd voiced a warning to the prime minister on February 23: \"The Foreign Secretary said we must not appear to be a brake on everything. Rather we should come forward with some positive ideas of our own,\" the note said. The authors of the book write of the Foreign Ministry's \"war of attrition,\" which Thatcher slowly wound down.\r\n\r\nThe fact that France, the Soviet Union and the United States supported German reunification also had an impact on her stance. Gradually Thatcher moved into the German political mainstream -- but she never lost her deep-seated suspicion of the Germans.\r\n\r\nFor example, in March 1990, she invited historians and politicians to a discussion at Chequers to address the question: \"How dangerous are the Germans?\" At the end of the seminar, her adviser Powell noted that they reached unanimous agreement that \"we should be nice to the Germans.\""]]]],["element",{"elementId":"56"},["name",""],["description"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"30472"},["text","Alemania"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"53"},["name","Enlace"],["description"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"30473"},["text","<a href=\"http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/the-iron-lady-s-views-on-german-reunification-the-germans-are-back-a-648364.html\" target=\"_blank\">http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/the-iron-lady-s-views-on-german-reunification-the-germans-are-back-a-648364.html</a>"]]]]]],["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"1"},["name","Dublin Core"],["description","The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"29591"},["text",""]]]]]]]],["itemType",{"itemTypeId":"21"},["name","Documento legal"],["description","Documentos legales"],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"52"},["name","Texto original"],["description"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"30105"},["text","Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany\r\nSeptember 12, 1990\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nThe Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic, the French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America,\r\n\r\nConscious of the fact that their peoples have been living together in peace since 1945;\r\n\r\nMindful of the recent historic changes in Europe which make it possible to overcome the division of the continent;\r\n\r\nHaving regard to the rights and responsibilities of the Four Powers relating to Berlin and to Germany as a whole, and the corresponding wartime and post-war agreements and decisions of the Four Powers;\r\n\r\nResolved, in accordance with their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;\r\n\r\nRecalling the principles of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, signed in Helsinki;\r\n\r\nRecognizing that those principles have laid firm foundations for the establishment of a just and lasting peaceful order in Europe;\r\n\r\nDetermined to take account of everyone's security interests;\r\n\r\nConvinced of the need finally to overcome antagonism and to develop cooperation in Europe;\r\n\r\nConfirming their readiness to reinforce security, in particular by adopting effective arms control, disarmament and confidence-building measures; their willingness not to regard each other as adversaries but to work for a relationship of trust and cooperation; and accordingly their readiness to consider positively setting up appropriate institutional arrangements within the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe;\r\n\r\nWelcoming the fact that the German people, freely exercising their right of self-determination, have expressed their will to bring about the unity of Germany as a state so that they will be able to serve the peace of the world as an equal and sovereign partner in a united Europe;\r\n\r\nConvinced that the unification of Germany as a state with definitive borders is a significant contribution to peace and stability in Europe;\r\n\r\nIntending to conclude the final settlement with respect to Germany;\r\n\r\nRecognizing that thereby, and with the unification of Germany as a democratic and peaceful state, the rights and responsibilities of the Four Powers relating to Berlin and to Germany as a whole lose their function;\r\n\r\nRepresented by their Ministers for Foreign Affairs who, in accordance with the Ottawa Declaration of 13 February 1990, met in Bonn on 5 May 1990, in Berlin on 22 June 1990, in Paris on 17 July 1990 with the participation of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, and in Moscow on 12 September 1990;\r\n\r\nHave agreed as follows:\r\n\r\nARTICLE 1\r\n\r\n(1) The united Germany shall comprise the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the whole of Berlin. Its external borders shall be the borders of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic and shall be definitive from the date on which the present Treaty comes into force. The confirmation of the definitive nature of the borders of the united Germany is an essential element of the peaceful order in Europe.\r\n\r\n(2) The united Germany and the Republic of Poland shall confirm the existing border between them in a treaty that is binding under international law.\r\n\r\n(3) The united Germany has no territorial claims whatsoever against other states and shall not assert any in the future.\r\n\r\n(4) The Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic shall ensure that the constitution of the united Germany does not contain any provision incompatible with these principles. This applies accordingly to the provisions laid down in the preamble, the second sentence of Article 23, and Article 146 of the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany.\r\n\r\n(5) The Governments of the French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America take formal note of the corresponding commitments and declarations by the Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic and declare that their implementation will confirm the definitive nature of the united Germany's borders.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 2\r\n\r\nThe Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic reaffirm their declarations that only peace will emanate from German soil. According to the constitution of the united Germany, acts tending to and undertaken with the intent to disturb the peaceful relations between nations, especially to prepare for aggressive war, are unconstitutional and a punishable offence. The Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic declare that the united Germany will never employ any of its weapons except in accordance with its constitution and the Charter of the United Nations.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 3\r\n\r\n(1) The Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic reaffirm their renunciation of the manufacture and possession of and control over nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. They declare that the united Germany, too, will abide by these commitments. In particular, rights and obligations arising from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1 July 1968 will continue to apply to the united Germany.\r\n\r\n(2) The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, acting in full agreement with the Government of the German Democratic Republic, made the following statement on 30 August 1990 in Vienna at the Negotiations on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe:\r\n\r\nThe Government of the Federal Republic of Germany undertakes to reduce the personnel strength of the armed forces of the united Germany to 370,000 (ground, air and naval forces) within three to four years. This reduction will commence on the entry into force of the first CFE agreement. Within the scope of this overall ceiling no more than 345,000 will belong to the ground and air forces which, pursuant to the agreed mandate, alone are the subject to the Negotations on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. The Federal Government regards its commitment to reduce ground and air forces as a signficant German contribution to the reduction of conventional armed forces in Europe. It assumes that in follow-on negotiations the other participants in the negotiations, too, will render their contribution to enhancing security and stability in Europe, including measures to limit personnel strengths.\r\n\r\nThe Government of the German Democratic Republic has expressly associated itself with this statement.\r\n\r\n(3) The Governments of the French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America take note of these statements by the Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 4\r\n\r\n(1) The Governments of the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics state that the united Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics will settle by treaty the conditions for and the duration of the presence of Soviet armed forces on the territory of the present German Democratic Republic and of Berlin, as well as the conduct of the withdrawal of these armed forces which will be completed by the end of 1994, in connection with the implementation of the undertaking of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic referred to in paragraph 2 of Article 3 of the present Treaty.\r\n\r\n(2) The Governments of the French Republic, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America take note of this statement.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 5\r\n\r\n(1) Until the completion of the withdrawal of the Soviet armed forces for the territory of the present German Democratic Republic and of Berlin in accordance with Article 4 of the present Treaty, only German territorial defence units which are not integrated into the alliance structures to which German armed forces in the rest of German territory are assigned will be stationed in that territory as armed forces of the united Germany. During that period and subject to the provisions of paragraph 2 of this Article, armed forces of other states will not be stationed in that territory or carry out any other military activity there.\r\n\r\n(2) For the duration of the presence of Soviet armed forces in the territory of the present German Democratic Republic and of Berlin, armed forces of the French Republic, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America will, upon German request, remain stationed in Berlin by agreement to this effect between the Government of the united Germany and the Govenments of the states concerned. The number of troops and the amount of equipment of all non-German armed forces stationed in Berlin will not be greater than at the time of signature of the present Treaty. New categories of weapons will not be introduced there by non-German armed forces. The Government of the united Germany will conclude with the Governments of those states which have armed forces stationed in Berlin treaties with conditions which are fair taking account of the relations existing with the states concerned.\r\n\r\n(3) Following the completion of the withdrawal of the Soviet armed forces from the territory of the present German Democratic Republic and of Berlin, units of German armed forces assigned to military alliance structures in the same way as those in the rest of German territory may also be stationed in that part of Germany, but without nuclear weapon carriers. This does not apply to conventional weapon systems which may have other capabilities in addition to conventional ones but which in that part of Germany are equipped for a conventional role and designated only for such. Foreign armed forces and nuclear weapons or their carriers will not be stationed in that part of Germany or deployed there.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 6\r\n\r\nThe right of the united Germany to belong to alliances, with all the rights and responsibilities arising therefrom, shall not be affected by the present Treaty.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 7\r\n\r\n(1) The French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America hereby terminate their rights and responsibilities relating to Berlin and to Germany as a whole. As a result, the corresponding, related quadripartite agreements, decisions and practices are terminated and all related Four Power institutions are dissolved.\r\n\r\n(2) The United Germany shall have accordingly full sovereignty over its internal and external affairs.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 8\r\n\r\n(1) The present Treaty is subject to ratification or acceptance as soon as possible. On the German side it will be ratified by the united Germany. The Treaty will therefore apply to the united Germany.\r\n\r\n(2) The instruments of ratification or acceptance shall be deposited with the Government of the united Germany. That Government shall inform the Governments of the other Contracting Parties of the deposit of each instrument of ratification or acceptance.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 9\r\n\r\nThe present Treaty shall enter into force for the united Germany, the French Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America on the date of deposit of the last instrument of ratification or acceptance by these states.\r\n\r\nARTICLE 10\r\n\r\nThe original of the present Treaty, of which the English, French, German and Russian texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited with the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, which shall transmit certified true copies to the Governments of the other Contracting Parties.\r\n\r\nSource: American Foreign Policy Current Documents 1990. 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