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El mundo entero celebra la revolución democrática de Túnez, que ha desencadenado una cascada de acontecimientos en otras partes de la región -en particular en Egipto- con consecuencias incalculables. Los ojos del mundo están puestos ahora en ese pequeño país de 10 millones de habitantes para aprovechar las enseñanzas que se desprendan de su reciente experiencia y ver si los jóvenes que derribaron a un autócrata corrupto pueden crear una democracia estable y que funcione.

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En primer lugar, las enseñanzas. Para empezar, no basta con que los Gobiernos contribuyan a un crecimiento suficiente. Al fin y al cabo, el PIB creció un 5%, aproximadamente, en Túnez a lo largo de los 20 últimos años, y se citaba con frecuencia a ese país porque podía alardear de una de las economías con mejores resultados, en particular dentro de esa región.

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Lo importante es que haya una sensación de equidad y juego limpio

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La democracia en EE UU ha ido acompañada de una gran desigualdad

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La comunidad internacional tiene el deber de prestar asistencia a Túnez

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MÁS INFORMACIÓN

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Tampoco es suficiente seguir los dictados de los mercados financieros internacionales: así se pueden conseguir buenas calificaciones de los bonos y agradar a los inversores internacionales, pero eso no significa que aumente la creación de puestos de trabajo o el nivel de vida de la mayoría de los ciudadanos. De hecho, en el periodo anterior a la crisis de 2008 resultó evidente la falibilidad del mercado de bonos y de las agencias de calificación. Que ahora no vean con buenos ojos el paso de Túnez del autoritarismo a la democracia no redunda en su crédito... y no se debería olvidar nunca.

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Ni siquiera basta que se imparta una buena educación. En todo el mundo, los países están esforzándose por crear puestos de trabajo para quienes se incorporan por primera vez al mercado laboral. Sin embargo, un elevado desempleo y una corrupción omnipresente constituyen una combinación explosiva. Los estudios económicos muestran que lo verdaderamente importante de los resultados de un país es que haya una sensación de equidad y juego limpio.

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Si en un mundo con escasez de puestos de trabajo, quienes tienen conexiones políticas los consiguen, y si en un mundo de riqueza limitada, los funcionarios gubernamentales acumulan masas de dinero, el sistema inspirará indignación ante semejantes iniquidades y contra los perpetradores de esos delitos. La indignación contra los bancos de Occidente es una versión más suave de la misma exigencia básica de justicia económica que vimos por primera vez en Túnez y ahora en toda la región.

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Pese a las virtudes de la democracia -que, como ha demostrado lo sucedido en Túnez, es mucho mejor que la opción opuesta-, debemos recordar los fallos de quienes se declaran partidarios de ella, porque la democracia es algo más que elecciones periódicas, aun cuando se celebren de forma justa. La democracia en EE UU, por ejemplo, ha ido acompañada de una desigualdad cada vez mayor, hasta el punto de que el 1% superior recibe una cuarta parte, aproximadamente, de la renta nacional... y la riqueza está distribuida de forma aún más inequitativa.

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De hecho, la mayoría de los estadounidenses están económicamente peor que hace un decenio, pues casi todos los beneficios del crecimiento económico acaban en manos de quienes se encuentran en la cima de la renta y de la distribución de la riqueza, y el resultado de la corrupción al estilo americano puede representar regalos de miles de millones de dólares a las empresas farmacéuticas, la compra de elecciones con contribuciones a gran escala a las campañas y reducciones de impuestos para los millonarios, mientras que se reduce la asistencia médica para los pobres.

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Además, en muchos países la democracia ha ido acompañada de luchas civiles, faccionalismo y Gobiernos con un funcionamiento deficiente. A ese respecto, lo sucedido en Túnez ha comenzado con una nota positiva: una sensación de cohesión nacional debida al logrado derrocamiento de un dictador que se había granjeado un aborrecimiento generalizado. Túnez debe esforzarse por mantener esa sensación de cohesión, que requiere un compromiso con la transparencia, la tolerancia y la proscripción de la exclusión, tanto política como económica.

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La sensación de juego limpio requiere voz y voto, que solo se puede lograr mediante el diálogo público. Todo el mundo insiste en el Estado de derecho, pero importa mucho qué tipo de Estado de derecho se establezca, pues se pueden utilizar las leyes para garantizar la igualdad de oportunidades y la tolerancia o para mantener desigualdades y el poder de minorías dominantes.

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Tal vez no pueda Túnez impedir que los intereses particulares se apropien de su Gobierno, pero, si sigue sin haber una financiación pública de las campañas electorales y no se aplican cortapisas a los grupos de presión y a las conexiones entre los sectores público y privado, no solo será posible esa desviación, sino que ocurrirá con seguridad. El compromiso de dar transparencia a las subastas de privatización y las licitaciones competitivas para la adjudicación de contratos públicos reduce el alcance del sistema de captación de rentas.

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Hay que adquirir la capacidad para adoptar muchas medidas equilibradoras: un Gobierno demasiado poderoso podría violar los derechos de los ciudadanos, pero un Gobierno demasiado débil no podría adoptar las medidas colectivas necesarias para crear una sociedad próspera y no excluyente o para impedir que los débiles e indefensos sean víctimas de los poderosos agentes económicos privados. América Latina ha mostrado que los límites de los mandatos de quienes ocupan cargos políticos resultan problemáticos, pero también que la inexistencia de limitación de los mandatos es aún peor.

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Así, pues, las constituciones deben ser flexibles. Consagrar modas en materia de política económica, como ha hecho la Unión Europea, cuyo banco central ha prestado atención exclusivamente a la inflación, es un error, pero ciertos derechos, políticos (libertad de religión, expresión y prensa) y económicos, deben estar absolutamente garantizados. Un buen comienzo para el debate de Túnez es el de decidir, al formular su nueva constitución, qué derechos va a reconocer, además de los consagrados en la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos.

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Túnez ha tenido un comienzo asombrosamente bueno. Su pueblo ha actuado con determinación y seriedad al establecer un Gobierno provisional, cuando tunecinos de talento y acreditados se han apresurado a ofrecerse para servir a su país en esta crítica coyuntura. Serán los propios tunecinos quienes crearán el nuevo sistema, que habrá de indicar cómo podría ser una democracia del siglo XXI.

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Por su parte, la comunidad internacional, que con tanta frecuencia ha apuntalado regímenes autoritarios en nombre de la estabilidad (o conforme al principio de que \"el enemigo de mi enemigo es mi amigo\") tiene claramente el deber de prestar la asistencia que Túnez necesite en los próximos meses y años.

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Joseph E. Stiglitz es profesor en la Universidad de Columbia y premio Nobel de Economía. © Project Syndicate 1995-2011.

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* Este artículo apareció en la edición impresa del Domingo, 13 de febrero de 2011

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