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              <text>Italia</text>
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              <text>F. Angeli, Milán
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              <text>http://www.francoangeli.it/ricerca/Scheda_libro.aspx?ID=4453&amp;Tipo=Libro
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              <text>http://books.google.es/books?id=RSEvAAAAYAAJ&amp;q=Democrazia+e+sviluppo+nella+Spagna+postfranchista.+I+problemi+della
+transizione&amp;dq=Democrazia+e+sviluppo+nella+Spagna+postfranchista.+I+problemi+della+transizione&amp;hl=es&amp;ei=uaHKTuOJJoe
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                <text>Democrazia e sviluppo nella Spagna postfranchista. I problemi della transizione
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1988</text>
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                <text>Carlota Bustelo y otros
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                <text>Dos seminarios de la misma clase de lo que da lugar a la publicación de este volumen ya habían tenido lugar en Roma
por iniciativa del Bajo de la Fundación: el primero (noviembre de 1984) se basó en una comparación con la experiencia de la
República Federal de Alemania, el segundo (enero de 1986) en una comparación con la experiencia más reciente en Francia
(Francia fue el comienzo de la llamada "cohabitación" de la cumbre del Estado). Sin embargo, si examina los dos volúmenes que
recoge los materiales de estos dos primeros seminarios, usted no se siente el mismo tono autocrítico y muy crítico en los informes de lectura en Roma, en el tercer taller (febrero de 1987) de los líderes y académicos la izquierda española. Por supuesto, no es un
elemento cíclico que tener en cuenta: la proximidad de España en la primavera del 87, las elecciones a escala nacional.
El lector encontrará las páginas que siguen, como ya con el informe preliminar, emitido por el director de El País, Juan
Luis Cebrián, que aparecen en las actas de un seminario con una franqueza inusual en su lenguaje. Se fue esta apertura (es decir,
una falta total de vueltas de palabras, alusiones diplomáticas, la atenuación complaciente) que se extienden desde el gris de las
discusiones del seminario puramente sectoriales y especializadas, y promovida, por el contrario, aquellos que han participaron - y
ahora a favor, el lector de este volumen - una reflexión que es muy profunda en las coordenadas sociológicas, institucionales,
políticos de la España de hoy, y que es una España que se ve a sí misma y en Europa diez años después de la transición a la
democracia. Proporcionar elementos de gran importancia tanto para un enlace con el pasado franquista y la "permanente
histórica" se utiliza para la comparación con otros países democráticos para recuperar recientemente o incluso, como Italia,
mayores en los sistemas democráticos - parlamentario la masa base.

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        <name>Transición</name>
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              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Democrazia municipale e politiche urbanistiche en Spagna 1975-1985
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                <text>2002</text>
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                <text>Carmelo Adagio
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                <text>Spagna contemporánea, Nº 22, 2002, págs. 103-124
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                <text>El ensayo, tras esbozar la evolución del sistema urbano español durante el franquismo por los cambios en el
pensamiento urbanístico, se concentra en cómo las administraciones democráticas han afrontado los problemas de deterioro
urbano dejados en herencia por la dictadura. Utilizando el rico debate del momento sobre los problemas urbanos, que incluyeron
a urbanistas, arquitectos, políticos y asociaciones de barrio, y reconstruyendo el origen de los planos reguladores de los que se
dotaron muchos municipios españoles en los primeros años ochenta, el autor esboza los caracteres de un urbanismo de la
transición entendido como recuperación democrática de los instrumentos de planificación urbana y como participación de los
ciudadanos en la elaboración de la decisión política al demostrar la importancia del ámbito municipal en la recuperada democracia
española. El artículo se centra de forma especial en las experiencias de Madrid y Barcelona y pone en evidencia como, más allá de
algunas diferencias conceptuales (predominio del plano regulador en Madrid, preponderancia de los proyectos arquitectónicos
individuales en Barcelona) el contexto de crisis económica dio a esta primera fase del urbanismo democrático español un marcado acento de austeridad, de recuperación y reconstrucción de los tejidos urbanos degradados. Remitiéndose a un estudio todavía en
realización, el ensayo concluye recordando como a mitad de los años ochenta una coyuntura económica y política diferente
cambió sensiblemente los rasgos del urbanismo democrático español.

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                  <text>Cronogramas interactivos sobre a historia de China.</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="http://chineseposters.net/timelines-maps/timeline-dengxiaoping.php" target="_blank"&gt;http://chineseposters.net/timelines-maps/timeline-dengxiaoping.php&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Deng Xiaoping a través de los carteles de propaganda chinos.</text>
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                <text>Eje cronológico interactivo sobre la vida de Deng Xiaoping a través de su imagen en carteles de propaganda.</text>
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                <text>Deng Xiaoping tras los sucesos de Tiananmen. Viñeta de N. Garland.</text>
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                <text>06/06/1989</text>
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                <text>The Independent</text>
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                <text>Deng Xiaoping decapitando a la "diosa de la Democracia", estatua realizada por los manifestantes de Tiananmen en mayo de 1989 para representar el signo de su protesta.</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="http://chineseposters.net/timelines-maps/timeline-dengxiaoping.php" target="_blank"&gt;http://chineseposters.net/timelines-maps/timeline-dengxiaoping.php&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>1955 - 2003</text>
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                <text>Línea del tiempo que recorre momentos clave en la vida de Deng Xiaoping mediante carteles e imágenes originales.</text>
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                <text>Inglés</text>
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              <text>September 11, 2009  05:03 PM Print Feedback&#13;
Former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl has never forgotten the hostility he faced at a European meeting on December 8, 1989. Ten days earlier he had unveiled a 10-point-plan for German reunification and been met with the blatant skepticism of Europe's leaders. In his memoirs, the former chancellor has described how British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher famously told the heads of state when they were gathered for dinner: "We beat the Germans twice, and now they're back."&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
It's no secret that Thatcher was a bitter opponent of German reunification. But new documents released Thursday by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office show how she insisted that her government resist the historic development. She repeatedly reined back then-Foreign Minister Douglas Hurd and Christopher Mallaby, Britain's ambassador in Bonn, who wanted to signal his support for reunification on the day the wall came down.&#13;
&#13;
Mallaby wrote to Hurd on that day -- November 9, 1989 -- saying it was "in our interests" to respond positively to developments in Germany. But when Hurd visited Berlin a few days later, he dutifully towed Thatcher's line, saying that reunification was "not currently on the agenda."&#13;
&#13;
The 500-page tome of letters and memos released this week date back to between April 1989 and November 1990. They reveal, for example, how then-French President Francois Mitterrand, speaking in a private conversation with his British counterpart, fuelled her mistrust of the Germans. Over lunch in the Elysee Palace on January 20, 1990, Mitterrand warned Thatcher that reunification would result in Germany gaining more European influence than Hitler ever had. His gloomy forecasts included a return of the "bad" Germans, according to previously secret notes made by Thatcher's foreign policy adviser, Charles Powell.&#13;
&#13;
Taming the Germans?&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
By mid-January 1990, Mitterrand had come to terms with the pending reunification, which he viewed as an unstoppable process. However, he still thought it would be prudent for Thatcher to publicly oppose the plan in a bid to wrest concessions from Germany in European agreements.&#13;
&#13;
But Thatcher, for her part, believed up until February 1990 that she would be able to slow the pace of reunification. She felt it was all happening far too quickly and feared that Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev would be destabilized by reunification, a concern borne out by history. She backed a five-year transitional period with two German states and did not share Mitterrand's optimism that the Germans could be tamed by being incorporated into European institutions. "The problems will not be overcome by strengthening the EC" she wrote on February 2, 1990, in an internal memo, referring to the predecessor organization of the European Union. "Germany's ambitions would then become the dominant and active factor."&#13;
&#13;
In public, Thatcher became known for her shrill warnings about the German appetite for power. In an interview with SPIEGEL on March 26, 1990, she said that Kohl had told her that he did not recognize the Oder-Neisse border with Poland, a frontier which had been drawn up after World War II. Kohl was enraged by her remarks and said he had never made such a statement.&#13;
&#13;
Two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office wants to improve the reputation of the British during this key period in German history. The new documents reveal that Foreign Ministry diplomats were considerably more farsighted than Thatcher, who was led by her gut reaction against Germany.&#13;
&#13;
The long-secret papers show that the British government played a far more constructive role in German reunification than had been previously thought. Only one person had serious doubts about the change: Margaret Thatcher.&#13;
&#13;
Deep-Seated Suspicion&#13;
&#13;
But even the Iron Lady gradually gave up her resistance to reunification when the framework for the Two-Plus-Four Agreement was drawn up, paving the way for the two states to merge. After a meeting in Chequers, Thatcher's country residence, on January 27, Foreign Minister Hurd noted a slight softening in her position. "Usual diatribe against German selfishness," Hurd noted in his diary, "but the hankering to stop unification now comes less often, and we are into 'transition' and reducing the British Army of the Rhine."&#13;
&#13;
According to a note believed to be penned by Thatcher or Powell, Hurd voiced a warning to the prime minister on February 23: "The Foreign Secretary said we must not appear to be a brake on everything. Rather we should come forward with some positive ideas of our own," the note said. The authors of the book write of the Foreign Ministry's "war of attrition," which Thatcher slowly wound down.&#13;
&#13;
The fact that France, the Soviet Union and the United States supported German reunification also had an impact on her stance. Gradually Thatcher moved into the German political mainstream -- but she never lost her deep-seated suspicion of the Germans.&#13;
&#13;
For example, in March 1990, she invited historians and politicians to a discussion at Chequers to address the question: "How dangerous are the Germans?" At the end of the seminar, her adviser Powell noted that they reached unanimous agreement that "we should be nice to the Germans."</text>
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