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Bosnia celebró sus últimas elecciones generales en octubre de 2010, pero ha tenido que transcurrir casi año y medio para que su Gobierno, multiétnico, multipartidista, haya podido empezar a funcionar, precariamente. Esta parálisis política es fiel trasunto del marasmo que atenaza a la exrepública yugoslava 20 años después de que comenzara el asedio de Sarajevo, y con él la guerra más exterminadora de la Europa reciente. Un marasmo que proyecta serias dudas sobre su viabilidad tal y como fue prevista en los acuerdos de Dayton, que en 1995 acabaron con la tragedia.

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Bosnia es un Estado especialmente complejo, compuesto por dos entidades (la Republika Srspka, serbia, y la Federación bosnio-croata), una presidencia tripartita y un Gobierno central de escasos poderes. EE UU puso fin a la guerra en Dayton, pero no preparó el camino para la unificación de un país en el que tres nacionalismos que aglutinan el poder y siguen sin soportarse desarrollan agendas centrífugas. Los herederos de Radovan Karadzic, particularmente, en la mitad serbia de Bosnia, persiguen la secesión con determinación fundamentalista, buscando que Europa acabe dando la batalla por perdida y les acepte como Estado separado. Pero también los croatas se consideran extraños en su federación con los bosniomusulmanes. Los políticos bosnios, sin visión común de futuro, prefieren la retórica nacionalista, que explota miedos y resentimientos, a la puesta en pie de instituciones centrales e incluyentes. Los intentos de la UE, a través de sucesivos procónsules con amplios poderes y un río de dinero, no han conseguido hacer de Bosnia un Estado funcional.

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Las heridas de la guerra son tan profundas como la división de Bosnia. El mayor peligro que acecha al varado país balcánico es el retroceso hacia los presupuestos que hicieron posible su terrible pasado. El riesgo es tan real como para que Europa (que miró hacia otro lado en momentos críticos) haga de él una prioridad real.

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Bosnia es el espejo más deformado, pero no la única situación irresuelta por la implosión yugoslava. Los serbios de Kosovo votaron recientemente en un simbólico referéndum no aceptar la autoridad del nuevo Estado. Agravan así las tensiones interétnicas y complican el camino de Serbia hacia la Unión Europea, en el que resultarán decisivas las elecciones adelantadas del mes próximo y del que las relaciones de Belgrado con su antigua provincia son elemento determinante.

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Bosnia Herzegovina, uno de los escenarios más trágicos de la guerra de los Balcanes, avanza en la senda europea. Los ministros de Exteriores de la UE pusieron ayer la primera piedra para un hipotético ingreso del país balcánico en el club comunitario, una perspectiva de momento muy lejana. El Consejo Europeo adoptó el llamado acuerdo de estabilización y asociación, que los coloca en posición de pedir esa pertenencia y les permite recibir más fondos para reformarse.

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La diplomacia europea lleva meses pensando cómo desatascar la crisis bosnia. El país, un enrevesado constructo administrativo sin fuelle económico, es el más rezagado en el camino hacia la UE (Serbia, Macedonia y Montenegro son ya oficialmente países candidatos). Alemania y Reino Unido plantearon ofrecerles una perspectiva de adhesión —aunque larga y dificultosa— como incentivo a unas reformas que hasta ahora no han cuajado.

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Pese a todo, para acceder a la condición de candidato, el país tiene que solicitarlo y Bruselas decidirá según el progreso en las reformas, explica una portavoz del servicio europeo de acción exterior. “Espero que este paso sirva para mantener el pulso y estrechar lazos con la UE”, expresó la alta representante para la Política Exterior Europea, Federica Mogherini, tras la reunión de ministros.

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MÁS INFORMACIÓN

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Con un 44% de paro real, una economía que decrece y un elevado nivel de burocracia y corrupción, el país estalló en protestas el año pasado por la falta de horizontes. Bruselas confía en apaciguar los ánimos con el acuerdo ratificado ayer, que estaba bloqueado desde 2008.

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Como gesto de compromiso con operaciones internacionales, Bosnia anunció ayer que ha donado 550 toneladas de armas y municiones a Irak, informa Reuters. El país balcánico forma parte de la coalición de países contra el Estado Islámico liderada por Estados Unidos, que solicitó la entrega a Bosnia. “Continuaremos las conversaciones con nuestros socios y es posible ver otras donaciones como esta en el futuro”, avanzó el ministro bosnio de Defensa, Zekerijah Osmic.

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Desde la guerra de Bosnia (1992-1995), el país conserva un excedente de casi 17.000 toneladas de munición y un arsenal de 40.000 piezas, cuya retirada promueven Washington y la OTAN.

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Dos décadas después del genocidio de Srebrenica (1995) perpetrado durante la guerra de los Balcanes (1991-2001), la Corte de Apelación de La Haya ha confirmado este martes la responsabilidad de los Países Bajos en la muerte de 350 varones musulmanes refugiados en el recinto militar de los cascos azules holandeses, encargados de la seguridad en dicha ciudad bosnia. Los jueces han rechazado, sin embargo, que pueda atribuirse al Estado holandés la suerte de todos los demás hombres —unos 8.500— masacrados en 1995 por las fuerzas del hoy exgeneral serbobosnio, Ratko Mladic.

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El fallo, contra el que ya no cabe una nueva apelación, ha ratificado una sentencia de 2014, pero marcando una línea divisoria entre las propias víctimas de Srebrenica. Los familiares de los 350 muertos recibirán solo un 30% de la indemnización a la que tendrían derecho de haber perecido sus allegados con el resto de los hombres, esparcidos fuera del complejo militar. Los jueces alegan que, “de no haber sido entregados el 13 de julio de 1995 a las tropas de Mladic, los 350 musulmanes bosnios habrían tenido un 30% de posibilidades de sobrevivir”. “Al dejarlos ir, perdieron ese margen, y el Estado holandés es responsable de ello”, ha señalado el juez, Gepke Dulek. La demanda la presentaron ese año las Madres de Srebrenica, portavoces de unas 6.000 personas. Según ellas, “la sentencia es absurda porque los cascos azulesestaban allí y debieron proteger a todos los varones musulmanes; para nosotras este caso no tiene fin: todos está muertos”, han asegurado a las puertas de la corte. Para Marco Gerritsen, su abogado, “se ha tomado una decisión salomónica”.

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El Tribunal de Apelación considera que el Estado actuó ilegalmente, y le \"condena al pago de una compensación parcial\" a las familias de las víctimas. Las fuerzas de paz holandesas facilitaron la separación de los hombres y niños musulmanes \"sabiendo que había un riesgo real de que los serbios de Bosnia los sometieran a un trato inhumano\", sigue el juez Dulek. Por el contrario, los oficiales holandeses destacados en Srebrenica sostienen que en 1995, sin apenas agua y comida, con unos 5.000 civiles refugiados dentro y fuera del recinto de la ONU, y cercados por las tropas serbobosnias, pensaron que se trataba de una evacuación. Que los llevarían a otro campo en mejores condiciones. Dulek ha criticado dicho argumento, señalado que “dejar salir a los 350 hombres sin más se corría el peligro de que los ejecutaran, y debió haberse paralizado su marcha”. “De todos modos”, sigue la sentencia, “todos perecieron a manos de los serbobosnios”, una precisión subrayada por el ministerio holandés de Defensa.

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Los cascos azules holandeses fueron los últimos integrantes de la Fuerza de Protección de la ONU (Unprofor) desplegados en los enclaves bosnios de Srebrenica, Gorazde y Zepa. Declarados en 1993 “zonas seguras” por Naciones Unidas, miles de bosnios musulmanes fueron trasladados a ellas. Allí se desplegó un contingente autorizado solo para usar la fuerza en defensa propia, a pesar de las advertencias de que estaba en marcha una limpieza étnica.

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En 2013, las Madres de Srebrenica perdieron una demanda similar, contra Naciones Unidas, presentada ante el Tribunal de Derechos Humanos de Estrasburgo. La corte europea decidió que la ONU gozaba de inmunidad. Pero ese mismo año, el Tribunal Supremo holandés confirmó un fallo anterior de la Corte de Apelación de La Haya sobre un caso concreto: la muerte de Rizo Mustafic, el electricista del complejo de los cascos azules, y de Ibro y Mohamed Nuhanovic, padre y hermano de Hasan, el traductor, que sobrevivió. Si bien abarcaba solo “un caso particular separado del conjunto del genocidio”, suponía que el Estado holandés ya no podría invocar la inmunidad de Naciones Unidaspara justificar la inacción de sus 400 soldados. Este proceso judicial abrió la puerta a nuevas demandas, como la concluida este martes.

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Además, unos 200 veteranos holandeses de Srebrenica van a demandar al Estado para conseguir una compensación, y una disculpa, por enviarles a \"una misión imposible\" de cuyo fracaso han sido responsabilizados por la comunidad internacional. Su abogado, Michael Ruperti, ha explicado que cada uno exige una indemnización simbólica de 22.000 euros —1.000 euros por cada año que ha pasado desde la matanza de Srebrenica— por el trauma psicológico.

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La investigación oficial del Instituto para Estudios de Guerra, Holocausto y Genocidio (NIOD) concluyó en 2002 que los uniformados neerlandeses no pudieron haber evitado la masacre porque no contaban con los medios necesarios para ello, si bien afirmó que silenciaron lo ocurrido. La publicación del informe del NIOD provocó la dimisión en bloque del Gobierno de Wim Kok. \"De ninguna manera asumimos la culpa de lo que pasó en Srebrenica, pero sí nuestra responsabilidad\", explicó entonces el primer ministro socialdemócrata.

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In order to understand previous and contemporary political conflicts about borders and walls through history education in both formal and informal environments, it is imperative to comprehend what has happened. For example, the role of both individual and collective aspects should be taken into account. However, it is equally essential to consider where a certain event has happened.

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Territories in Historical Conflicts

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This is due to the fact that this “where” usually refers to a specific territory which is under dispute. Naturally, when the term “territory” is used, one does not simply mean a specific part of the world with certain features. Rather, the term denotes something much more complex. For example, “territory” may signify how that territory was politically organized and how political and military battles were carried out for that particular territory.

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In other words, the focus on territories should also highlight historical developments which are related to the disputes of different social groups around different parts of the world. This focus is of interest because if history education were to neglect the diverse connotations of the term “territory”, students and citizens might gain the wrongful impression that present territories and their political units have not changed across time. Such changes are usually pointed out by historical maps. Unfortunately however, such maps have failed to attract much attention from researchers in history education, albeit certain textbooks have provided a few exceptions. For example, Sebastián Pla has considered in this blog journal how the United States invaded Mexico and conquered a substantial part of its territory by the middle of the nineteenth century, thereby influencing the history of the two countries since then.[1]

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Trump’s Wall: A Territorial Conflict

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It is well known that President Donald Trump is trying to accomplish one of the most controversial goals announced in his presidential campaign, namely the construction of a wall measuring five thousand kilometers in length which would cover the entire border with Mexico. This decision also includes the intention to make Mexico pay for the costs of constructing the wall. The motivation for such a goal is to defend the North American territory from illegal Mexican immigrants by preventing them from entering the United States.

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The announcement of this project was accompanied not only by decidedly negative and xenophobic depictions of Mexican citizens as dangerous and violent criminals, but also by the highly controversial decision to prevent refugees from several countries to arrive in the United States. Most of these actions have been rejected by a considerable section of the public such as the academic community, non-governmental organizations, and politicians from around the world. Nonetheless, the truth is that Donald Trump has been elected President of the United States by approximately fifty million people. Therefore, it could be concluded that the majority of people who voted for Trump regarded these ideas and decisions to be not only feasible, but even desirable.

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Personally, I believe that we are dealing in this case with a representational entity which contains both social and historical dimensions of an undeniably historical origin. By this term, we mean both its historical origin as such as well as its historical origin as imagined by a section of the public. This is to say that this wall is attempting to become a physical border (a wall itself) replacing the symbolic and imaginary one. In other words, national borders are not merely physical barriers between countries. Usually, there is an agreement in place among nations which recognizes the existence of an imaginary line separating two or more countries, without this line necessarily being physical. In most cases, the line has no real existence. For example, there is a city in North America where the border constitutes a section of a library which includes both an American part and a Canadian part.[2]

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In fact, there are no walls which separate nations from around the world, except for some specific and also highly controversial cases such as in Israel. Whilst border checkpoints, where passports and other documents are checked, represent a physical entity, most of the countries employing them do not attempt to carry out such checks alongside the entire border. Here lies, therefore, one of the possible areas of confusion amongst those who voted for Donald Trump with regards to their expectations. I believe that this is underlined by the inability to separate the physical and symbolic dimensions of the border.

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Lack of Historical Literacy

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It is also important to note that previous initiatives of building walls along borders have been strongly criticized by American politicians as well as by democratic world leaders. The most famous case is probably that of the Berlin Wall, which was a symbol not only of the division of Germany but also the division of the world in two blocks—the communist sector and the capitalist sector. As the wall was built by the communists, this was regarded as a dictatorial act which implemented a literal conception of a political border. It is extremely paradoxical that President Trump is now championing a similar proposal.

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What do Trump’s motives have in common with those of the former East German and Soviet authorities? Whilst it is difficult to answer such a question, it would be reasonable to apply a tentative approach. The Berlin Wall was built to prevent German citizens from escaping from the German Democratic Republic to the Federal Republic of Germany. Trump’s wall, however, professes to prevent Mexican and other Latin American citizens from entering the United States. Therefore, the two walls are of a wholly opposite nature even though they are identical in terms of their conceptions about borders. This is to say that both cases share common ground in at least two theoretical approaches. Firstly, both walls were originally intended to transform the national border into a physical and tangible entity rather than a symbolic one. Secondly, they both intended to prevent people from freely moving between the nations’ borders. This second approach closely resembles the idea of criminalizing immigrants who merely chose to live in a foreign country.

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Borders, 3 Facts

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Ultimately, it appears that both Trump’s administration and its supporters are displaying a notorious lack of historical literacy with regards to at least three facts.

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Firstly, the present borders are the consequence of both political and military actions across history. Secondly, they do not possess an essential meaning. This is to say that they are neither everlasting nor immutable. On the contrary, they denote symbolic entities which mean that they have been established on the basis of conventions and negotiations amongst societies and governments. Thirdly, it is therefore futile to transform them into entities with physical constraints. In conclusion, a last point could be also provided from the perspective of civic education, this is to say that the porosity of borders alludes to human rights which should not be violated as they represent possibilities of a better life for other human beings.

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_____________________

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Further Reading

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Web Resources

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_____________________

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[1] Sebastián Plá, “History Education in Times of Trump,” Public History Weekly 5 (2017) 15, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2017-9124 (last accessed 6 June 2017).
[2] Sarah Yahm, “The U.S.-Canada Border Runs Through This Tiny Library,” Atlas Obscura, July 7, 2016,http://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/the-us-canada-border-runs-through-this-tiny-library (last accessed 6 June 2017).

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_____________________

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Image Credits
Mains au ciel, Berlin wall © Jeanne Menjoulet (2016), via Flickr.

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Recommended Citation
Carretero, Mario: Borders In the Head: Comparing Mexican Wall and Berlin Wall. In: Public History Weekly 5 (2017) 23, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2017-9457.

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Editorial Responsibility
Judith Breitfuß / Thomas Hellmuth

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Copyright (c) 2017 by De Gruyter Oldenbourg and the author, all rights reserved. This work may be copied and redistributed for non-commercial, educational purposes, if permission is granted by the author and usage right holders. For permission please contact: elise.wintz (at) degruyter.com.

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