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Ni a&uacute;n hoy podemos explicar por qu&eacute; en T&uacute;nez la inmolaci&oacute;n de Mohamed Bouazizi desencaden&oacute;&nbsp;<a href=\"https://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/revuelta/popular/Tunez/fuerza/salida/Ben/Ali/elpepuint/20110114elpepuint_5/Tes\" target=\"_blank\">una revuelta nacional que llev&oacute; a Ben Al&iacute; a la huida</a>&nbsp;y, sin embargo, eso no se produjo, por ejemplo, como consecuencia de las revueltas que en 2008 pusieron en pie de guerra a los mineros en Gafsa. Del mismo modo, m&aacute;s all&aacute; de apelar a un cierto efecto de contagio, tampoco podemos precisar las razones por las que los egipcios se han lanzado a la calle y si eso, inevitablemente, supondr&aacute; la inmediata fuga de Hosni Mubarak.</p>\r\n<p>Esto nos lleva, en primer lugar, a reconocer la limitada capacidad prospectiva de los an&aacute;lisis realizados por servicios de inteligencia, centros de estudios y profetas diversos, asumiendo que estamos condenados a la incertidumbre y a la sorpresa. Es probablemente esta limitaci&oacute;n la que lleva mayoritariamente a suponer que, a partir del ejemplo tunecino, se producir&aacute; un \"efecto domin&oacute;\" por el que el resto de los pa&iacute;ses &aacute;rabes seguir&aacute;n inmediata y autom&aacute;ticamente la misma senda. Es bien cierto que en todos ellos confluyen las mismas causas estructurales que han servido de caldo de cultivo para la explosi&oacute;n tunecina y egipcia. En todos son evidentes las deficiencias derivadas de una gesti&oacute;n gubernamental corrupta e ineficiente, asentada en un aparato represivo que niega la voz a cualquier disidencia y consentida desde el exterior (tanto Washington como Bruselas). Pero conviene escapar del simplismo que supone considerar como homog&eacute;neos a los 22 pa&iacute;ses &aacute;rabes y a sus 300 millones de habitantes.</p>\r\n<p>En T&uacute;nez estamos asistiendo a una movilizaci&oacute;n tan general como espont&aacute;nea, en un pa&iacute;s sin estructuras pol&iacute;ticas alternativas al dominio absoluto del Reagrupamiento Constitucional Democr&aacute;tico, en el que se ha apoyado Ben Al&iacute; para desarrollar lo que se conoc&iacute;a como \"cuasi mafia\". Esa ausencia de actores pol&iacute;ticos s&oacute;lidos- como efecto directo de la represi&oacute;n del r&eacute;gimen- explica la riqueza de la revuelta, pero plantea un serio interrogante sobre la pr&oacute;xima etapa. Podemos entender que personajes como Rachid Ghanuchi (En Nahda) o Moncef Marzouki (Congreso para la Rep&uacute;blica) son figuras del pasado, pero no sabemos cu&aacute;les pueden ser los l&iacute;deres del ma&ntilde;ana. Ser&iacute;a irreflexivo creer que la democracia ya est&aacute; asegurada en T&uacute;nez, cuando falta por disolver el partido del poder (con sus c&eacute;lulas de control ciudadano) y la polic&iacute;a pol&iacute;tica, y nombrar un gobierno de estricto perfil t&eacute;cnico &uacute;nicamente encargado de organizar las elecciones y abrir un proceso constituyente. Muchas son a&uacute;n las inc&oacute;gnitas por resolver antes de que la democracia llegue, por primera vez, a un pa&iacute;s &aacute;rabe.</p>\r\n<div class=\"teads-inread\">&nbsp;</div>\r\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>Egipto, por el contrario, ya estaba viviendo un proceso de sucesi&oacute;n del poder en el que cada actor mov&iacute;a sus fichas con m&aacute;s o menos disimulo. Por un lado, el octogenario y enfermo Mubarak pretend&iacute;a asegurar la continuidad del r&eacute;gimen a trav&eacute;s de su hijo Gamal (tal vez acompa&ntilde;ado del influyente jefe de los servicios de inteligencia, Omar Suleiman). Para ello no tuvo reparo alguno en manipular las elecciones legislativas del pasado noviembre (expulsando del parlamento a los Hermanos Musulmanes para asegurarse un tr&aacute;nsito m&aacute;s tranquilo hasta las presidenciales de septiembre). Su problema no ha estado en la calle, forzadamente tranquila hasta ayer, sino en el propio r&eacute;gimen, con unas fuerzas armadas crecientemente opuestas a sus designios. En un pa&iacute;s donde desde Nasser todos los presidentes proceden de la milicia, y donde las fuerzas armadas son un actores pol&iacute;ticos (y econ&oacute;micos) de primera l&iacute;nea, cabe suponer que no iban a asentir pasivamente a lo que el desgastado rais deseara.</p>\r\n<p>En esa l&iacute;nea cobra sentido la hip&oacute;tesis de que el ej&eacute;rcito haya decidido jugar con fuego, si no alentando s&iacute; al menos consistiendo la actual movilizaci&oacute;n con vistas a debilitar a&uacute;n m&aacute;s a Mubarak y colocarse as&iacute; en condiciones de imponer sus planes (y a su candidato) en la etapa que, inevitablemente, se abre ahora en Egipto. En ese contexto, la movilizaci&oacute;n popular podr&iacute;a no ser m&aacute;s que el instrumento de quienes no pretenden traer la democracia al pa&iacute;s sino &uacute;nicamente provocar un cambio personal en su liderazgo. Evidentemente, se trata de un juego de alto riesgo porque nada garantiza el control de la situaci&oacute;n (ni siquiera con los casi 1,5 millones de polic&iacute;as y 460.000 soldados) ante una sociedad hastiada de la clase pol&iacute;tica y con actores tan poderosos como los Hermanos Musulmanes, obligados ahora a actuar desde la calle. Puede entenderse que otros actores, como Mohamed El Baradei, intenten igualmente sacar partido de la situaci&oacute;n, aunque al no contar con una base propia solo podr&aacute; tener opciones en la medida que los militares no se entiendan finalmente con el clan de Mubarak y apuesten por &eacute;l como una figura de transici&oacute;n.</p>\r\n<p>En definitiva, las movilizaciones son un hecho generalizado en la zona, pero la democracia no es necesariamente lo que surgir&aacute; de ellas. Y esto es as&iacute; no tanto por que vaya a imponerse el islamismo radical- espantajo cl&aacute;sico para justificar la represi&oacute;n interna-, sino por el peso de una inercia que ha llevado durante d&eacute;cadas, tanto a los gobernantes locales como a las potencias occidentales que les apoyan, a preferir la estabilidad a toda costa. T&uacute;nez puede o no abrir un nuevo cap&iacute;tulo en la historia del mundo &aacute;rabe. En Egipto son a&uacute;n m&aacute;s poderosas las razones que apuntan a un bloqueo del proceso (baste comprobar el temor con el que Washington, mientras Israel y la Uni&oacute;n Europea callan igualmente inquietos, muestra su apoyo a la democracia mientras presiona a Mubarak para que retome el control con algunas reformas).</p>\r\n<p>En el fondo no se trata de miedo a la democracia en s&iacute;, vista como plenamente beneficiosa a largo plazo, sino al periodo transitorio que hay que recorrer desde las actuales sociedades cerradas del mundo &aacute;rabe hasta desembocar en otras abiertas. En ese tr&aacute;nsito los gobernantes locales temen, con raz&oacute;n, que perder&aacute;n el poder y los pa&iacute;ses occidentales que surgir&aacute;n nuevos actores- islamistas o no- que quiz&aacute;s no quieran ser acomodaticios a sus intereses como lo han sido hasta ahora los dirigentes que han apoyado. Es la ciudadan&iacute;a &aacute;rabe la que debe liderar la tarea pendiente, pero nuestra ayuda es imprescindible. Ojal&aacute; no les fallemos nuevamente mientras entonamos la despedida a Mubarak.</p>\r\n<p class=\"nota_pie\">Jes&uacute;s A. N&uacute;&ntilde;ez Villaverde. Codirector del Instituto de Estudios sobre Conflictos y Acci&oacute;n Humanitaria (IECAH)</p>"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"53"},["name","Enlace"],["description"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"32645"},["text","<a href=\"https://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/02/03/actualidad/1296687616_850215.html\" target=\"_blank\">https://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2011/02/03/actualidad/1296687616_850215.html</a>"]]]]]],["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"1"},["name","Dublin Core"],["description","The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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